Русская версияParoubek said this was just an idea but it is clear that Tvrdik would not release the information unless Paroubek supported it, Kolar says.
Buses are to bring Social Democrat members from even the most remote villages to take part in the election conference, he writes.
According to Kolar, Paroubek fears that the necessary 51 percent of the party members would not take part in the election.
He also fears that he might not be re-elected, Kolar writes.
Tvrdik and Paroubek would like to prepare a scenario that would play into their hands: an atmosphere of unity, a reception, a concert, ceremonies with hired foreign celebrities shaking hands with Paroubek, he says.
It was Jiri Paroubek who initiated the direct election of the CSSD leader as part as the opposition party's planned modernisation, but now he is not sure whether this change will help him defend his position, Alexandr Mitrofanov writes in Pravo.
Mitrofanov says Paroubek has never challenged the direct election since then, but CSSD deputy group's deputy chairman David Rath did it, arguing that the Civic Democrats (ODS) of Prime Minister Mirek Topolanek could manipulate the election.
Though CSSD leaders do not office say it, they are also afraid of CSSD members supporting former party Milos Zeman, Mitrofanov writes.
Retired Zeman clashed with Paroubek after the 2006 elections and he even left the CSSD last year.
Rath's suggestion that an indirect election should be reintroduced and Tvrdik's idea of a big pompous meeting have one and the same goal: to prevent Paroubek's fall, Mitrofanov writes.
He says Rath wants to avoid an open duel, while Tvrdik wants to create an atmosphere that would be favourable for Paroubek's re-election as chairman.
But it is something else that is of the utmost importance for the outcome of the party leader's election: the autumn regional and Senate elections, Mitrofanov points out.
Paroubek is well aware of this as his recent statements prove, he says.
If the CSSD fails in the autumn elections, its Paroubek defeat.
If the CSSD succeeds, he may become strong enough to regain control over the party, Mitrofanov writes.
When the Olympics could be organised in Hitler's Berlin in 1936 and Brezhnev's Moscow in 1980, then why not in Beijing now? Petr Kambersky asks in Hospodarske noviny.
But the "brown" and "red" games were a demonstration of the power of the organising nations and there was an ideology behind them, while there is nearly no ideology now - neither in China, nor on the part of its guests, Kambersky says.
He says China's system is only an instrument of power, and it has nothing to do with communism.
George Bush brings "strategic partnership" to China instead of ideals. He actually says that the Chinese way of ruling the country is incompatible with the Western ideals, but that the United States does not want to lose its influence in China, Kambersky writes.
While the 20th century was a century of ideologies, the 21st one seems to be a century of pure power, he concludes.
(Ceske Noviny)
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